Atticus Carnell
Atticus Carnell

I am a PhD candidate in Politics and the Program in Political Philosophy at Princeton University, where I hold a Harold W. Dodds Fellowship this academic year. I received my BA in Government & Legal Studies from Bowdoin College in 2018 and my MPhil in Political Theory from Oxford in 2020. I work on the ethics of communication, democratic theory, and the social theory of media. You can find my CV here and email me here.

Research

My current research aims to develop the conceptual tools required to better understand, critically evaluate, and improve democracy’s life online. To this end it focuses on two sets of pressing questions. One is normative: What do we owe to each other in communicating? Relatedly, why is communication so central in relations of mutual respect? The other is descriptive and diagnostic: How should we expect digital media to change our communicative practices, particularly given how these have historically been theorized?

Articles

Taking Heed: Between Consideration and Deference Political Philosophy (2026)

Some theorists maintain that democracy is a condition in which citizens have authority over matters of common concern. But just what kind of authority citizens have proves difficult to describe. Understood strongly—say, as a claim to deference—this authority is obviously overly demanding. But understood more weakly, as a claim to consideration, it is not demanding enough. Thus I identify a dilemma for such conceptions of democracy. My diagnosis is that theoretical tools inherited from Raz, especially the idea of a preemptive reason, frustrate attempts to toe the line between over- and under-demandingness. To remedy this, I identify and develop a novel authority concept—heed—and theoretical tools to capture it: a resistant reason rather than a preemptive one.

Reconstructing the Web: Towards a Diagnosis of the Moral Pathologies of Platforms European Journal of Political Theory (2025)

Influential reconstructions of moral communication rarely take new forms of technological mediation into account. This paper does so, considering how the practical pressures that shape moral communication on social media differ from those that often shape it offline in order to develop a set of novel theoretical explanations of the moral pathologies of social media. First, because moral communication on social media is often at considerable remove from action situations and concrete communities—and so from the need to coordinate successfully and maintain healthy relationships—it selects for moral communication that is more critical than coordinative, and criticism that is untempered. Second, because social media facilitates witnessing wrongs more than it does wronging, it selects for expressions of indignation, but also frustrates the conversational practices by which we work through the reactive attitudes. We should anticipate all this to have important consequences for moral language, understanding, and socialization.

Book Chapters

Reconnaissance et Critique à l’Anthropocène — in Croisements Critiques: Actualité de l’École de Francfort, eds. Genel and Plaetzer (2022)

One important task of the critical theorist is to identify the normative foundations of immanent critique. I argue here that Axel Honneth’s influential account thereof—his theory of recognition—provides foundations only for criticism of how social actors relate to each other (“intrasocial” criticism), but not of how human society relates to the rest of nature (“extrasocial” criticism). For this reason it can explain neither why humanity’s domination of non-human nature is objectionable, nor social struggles the world over on nature’s behalf. But a critical theory for the Anthropocene must do both. To conclude I consider some ways forward.

French translation available upon request

Selected Working Papers & Works in Progress

[title redacted for peer review]

[about why respecting others requires granting them a voice]

Draft available upon request

What Is Popular Sovereignty? [APSA presentation 9/5/26]

Many realists in democratic theory argue that, given the shortcomings of most citizens, democracy will fail to realize popular sovereignty in practice. In defining popular sovereignty they typically follow Robert Dahl, who characterized it as follows: “whenever policy choices are perceived to exist, the alternative selected and enforced as governmental policy is the alternative most preferred by the members” of the relevant polity. I argue here that this definition of popular sovereignty, at least as the realists deploy it, is confused. Then I consider what follows for the realist.

Draft available upon request

Expressing Respect and Reasoning Publicly

[argues that rightful action is often expressively ambiguous and considers what follows institutionally]

Parasocial Recognition

[about how digital mediation changes our practices of recognition and the social consequences of these changes]